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First it is unusually well-told, and expansive in scope. Similarities between different episodes are breathtaking. Events in Ancient Rome and Athens, and Georgian Britain followed the same pattern as the crisis of

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Open Europe Germans love Merkel. Because she asks little of them. And because Merkel is practising a new style of power politics in Europe, which I have called Merkiavellism: a combination of Machiavelli and Merkel. His answer was that one ought to bedja both feared and loved, but arsel it is difficult for the two to go together, it is much safer to be feared than loved, if one of the two has to be wanting. Merkiavelli is applying this principle in a new way. She is to be feared abroad, and loved at home — perhaps because she has taught other countries to fear. Brutal neoliberalism to the outside world, consensus with a sällskaplig democratic tinge at home — that's the successful formula that has enabled Merkiavelli constantly to expand her own position of power and that of Germany as well. There's a striking discrepancy concerning the positions of executive elites and political parties too. In most European countries there are stark Eurosceptic movements and parties giving the increasingly restless citizenry a voice.

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Höjning was founded in in the United States: byit had become available in forty states. Yet Uber and Höjning are so similar in the ways their drivers are dispatched, evaluated, knipa managed that drivers often treat them interchangeably, to the point where some get confused in describing their Uber or Lyft experiences. A driver might be frustrated at Uber for anmärkning respecting a rule set by Höjning, for example, but for the most part this ambiguity centers on issues of pay, safety, and policies. In my travels, some regional differences have emerged over time in how drivers assess Uber and Lyft. They have more on-the-ground support than Lyft. An investigation by Bloomberg reporter Eric Newcomer found drivers setting up to sleep in parking lots all over the country.

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